第二语言习得的定义(共3页).doc

精选优质文档-倾情为你奉上What is 'second language acquisition'?Sometimes a distinction is made between a 'second' and a 'third' or even a 'fourth' language. However, the term 'second' is generally used to refer to any language other than the first language. In one respect this is unfortunate, as the term 'second' when applied to some learning settings, such as those in South Africa involving black learners of English, may be perceived as opprobrious. In such settings, the term ADDITIONAL LANGUAGE may be both more appropriate and more acceptable. However, given that 'second' has become the generally accepted epithet, I will use the term 'second language acquisition' to refer to the acquisition of any language after the acquisition of the mother tongue.Another distinction that is often made is that between SECOND and FOREIGN LANGUAGE acquisition. In the case of second language acquisition, the language plays an institutional and social role in the community (i.e. it functions as a recognized means of communication among members who speak some other language as their mother tongue). For example, English as a second language is learnt in the United States, the United Kingdom, and countries in Africa such as Nigeria and Zambia. In contrast, foreign language learning takes place in settings where the language plays no major role in the community and is primarily learnt only in the classroom. Examples of foreign language learning are English learnt in France or Japan. The distinction between second and foreign language learning is best treated as a sociolinguistic one rather than a psycholinguistic one. That is, for the time being at we need to keep an open mind as to whether the learning processes found in each are the same or different. Somewhat confusingly, the term 'second language acquisition' is used as a superordinate term to cover both types of learning.A related distinction is that between NATURALISTIC and instructed second language ACQUISITION, according to whether the language is learnt through communication that takes place in naturally occurring social situations or through study with the help of 'guidance' from reference books or classroom instruction. These terms clearly imply psycholinguistic differences. Klein argued the learner focuses on communication in naturalistic second language acquisition and thus learns incidentally, whereas in instructed second language acquisition the learner typically focuses on some aspect of the language system. However, again, there is a need to keep an open mind as to whether the processes of acquisition are the same or different in naturalistic and classroom settings.The main goal of SLA research is to characterize learners' underlying knowledge of the L2, i.e. to describe and explain their COMPETENCE. Researchers differ, however, in how they view 'competence'. Those working in the generative tradition associated with Chomsky have defined it somewhat narrowly as LINGUISTIC COMPETENCE (i.e. knowledge of the grammar of the L2). Other researchers, however, have adopted a broader perspective, examining how learners acquire COMMUNICATIVE COMPETENCE (i.e. knowledge of both the L2 grammar and of how this system is put to use in actual communication). SLA has increasingly adopted the broader perspective and, thus, while this book will consider the grammatical properties of L2s in detail, reflecting the large number of studies in this area, it will also pay attention to other aspects, especially the learner's PRAGMATIC COMPETENCE. In order to study how learners acquire a second language, a clear, operational definition of what is meant by the term 'acquisition' is needed. Unfortunately, researchers have been unable to agree on such a definition. 'Acquisition' can mean several things. A distinction is sometimes made between ACQUISITION and LEARNING. The former refers to the subconscious process of 'picking up' a language through exposure and the latter to the conscious process of studying it. According to this view, it is possible for learners to 'acquire' or to 'learn' L2features independently and at separate times. Although such a distinction can have strong face validity-particularly for teachers-it is problematic, not least because of the difficulty of demonstrating whether the processes involved are or are not conscious. In this book the terms 'acquisition' and 'learning' will be used interchangeably.However, it is useful to make a distinction between IMPLICIT LEARNING and EXPLICIT LEARNING, terms that are widely accepted in cognitive psychology and which have become increasingly common in current accounts of L2 acquisition. Implicit learning is typically defined as learning that takes place without either intentionality or awareness. It can be investigated by exposing learners to input data, which they are asked to process for meaning, and then investigating (without warning) whether they have acquired any L2 linguistic properties as a result of the exposure. For example, learners could be asked to read a book and then tested to see if they had acquired any new vocabulary in the process. However, while such an approach can guard against intentional learning it cannot guarantee that the learning took place without awareness. In fact, researchers disagree as to whether any learning is possible without some of awareness. Explicit learning, however, is necessarily a conscious process and is likely to be intentional. It can be investigated by giving learners an explicit rule and asking them to apply it to data or by inviting them to try to discover an explicit rule from an array of data provided. These two types of learning clearly involve very different processes and are likely to result in different types of knowledge (i.e. implicit knowledge or explicit knowledge of the L2). Finally, there are some important methodological issues to consider. First, what and how learners learn an L2 is not open to direct inspection; it can only be inferred by examining samples of their performance. SLA researchers have used different kinds of performance to try to investigate L2 acquisition. Many analyze the actual utterances that learners produce in speech or writing. Some try to tap learners' intuitions about what is correct or appropriate by means of GRAMMATICALITY JUDGEMENT tasks, while others rely on the introspective and retrospective reports that learners provide about their own learning. The question about what kind of data afford the most reliable and valid account of L2 acquisition is a matter of controversy. Here it should be noted that different kinds of data will be needed to investigate whether what learners know about the L2 is implicit or explicit. Second, there is the question of how we can determine whether a particular feature has been acquired. Some researchers consider a feature has been acquired when it appears for the first time, while others require the learner to use it to some predetermined criterion level of accuracy, usually 90 per cent. Thus, a distinction can be made between acquisition as 'emergence' or 'onset' and acquisition as 'accurate use'.Clearly, second language acquisition is a complex, multifaceted phenomenon and it is not surprising that it has come to mean different things to different people. It does, however, make it very difficult to compare the results of one study with those of another. Conflicting results can be obtained depending on whether the data used consist of learners' productions, introspections, or intuitions, or whether emergence or accuracy serves as the criterion of acquisition. It is for this reason that it is important to examine carefully the nature of the data used and the way in which acquisition has been measured, when reading reports of actual studies. 专心-专注-专业