2021年考研英语考试模拟卷（2）.docx

2021年考研英语考试模拟卷（2）本卷共分为1大题50小题，作答时间为180分钟，总分100分，60分及格。一、单项选择题（共50题，每题2分。每题的备选项中，只有一个最符合题意） 1.In the third paragraph, the author is trying _.Ato be critical of customBto say that anthropology is more important than psychologyCto strengthen the role custom plays in experience and beliefDto draw our attention to the importance of custom 2.Which of the following may NOT be the way to keep brains alertAChang to a new working environmentBgo out for sightseeingCkeep doing everyday workDdoing crosswords 3.Which of the following is NOT mentioned in the text as one of the factors that may influence brain shrinkageAindulgence in drinkingBeducationCemotional fluctuationsDhypertension 4.According to the second paragraph, it can be found by researchers that_.AOnly educated people suffer from brain shrinkageBThe more the brain shrinks, the more abnormal people's cognition and memory becomeCPeople might loss no mentality even with brain shrinkageDNo brain-tissue loss will be induced by indulgence in alcohol 5.We can know from the first paragraph that_.ABrains of the more-educated people may become more contracted when they get agedBEducation may do harm to people's brainsCMore educated people may suffer from brain tissue lossDThe less educated can resort to more cognitive reserves when aged 6.The text informs us that_.AMental capacity is surely measured by education levelBMore-educated people never develop habits harmful to healthCPeople should keeping stimulating the brain to bear more brain-tissue lossDWe should take less adventuresome way to stimulate the brain 7.Computer criminals choose accumulating fractions of pence from individual payroll accounts becauseAit is very easyBemployers are not concerned with penceCthey can gain moreDthe accumulated value can be a useful gain, and it is not easy to be found 8.Skilled computer criminals can break into a computer system_.Aquite easilyBwithout any riskCmore easily than an armed robber can gain access to a bank vault and with far less riskDwithout being punished 9.According to the second paragraph, which statement is TRUEAExperts agree that computer crime is one of the fastest growing areas of illegal activity.BThe key reason for both the growth and the lack of accurate measurement is the difficulty in discovering a well-executed theft.CLosses in per incident of computer crime is higher than other types of theft.DIt is very easy to start computer crime. 10.What dose the last paragraph implyADamage to software is caused by those whose jobs require at least some access to the computerBThe writer of the program is the one responsible for its misuseCMeasures taken to 15rotect soft ware and data is uselessDPrograms written for an individual company are far more valuable to abuse and accident than standard software packages produced by external suppliers 11.Computer theft includes_.Adirect theft of fundsBthe theft of data for corporate espionage or extortionCaccumulating fractions of pence from individual payroll accountsDall of the above 12.What's Samaranch's attitude towards drug use in Olympic GamesAIndignantBTolerateCParadoxicalDNeutral 13.What is the expression "knock cheaters off stride" meanATo destroy cheater's planBTo kick cheaters out of gameCTo make cheaters exhaustedDTo help cheaters working on their plan 14.What is following is the cause that will make the Olympic Games suspect and no longer worth watchingAThe participation of cheatersBThe untested EPO-useCLack of new world recordsDUnannounced and out-of-competitive test 15.According to the passage, which of the following is TRUEAWhen athletes take steroid creams, they would be definitely tested.BThe testing system is not exact enough because the athletes are informed testing schedules beforehand.CMore than half of the Olympic-caliber U.S. athletes have taken the dreadful drugs to win the gameDErythropoietin is a kind of drug that can enhance an athlete's performance in 20 minutes. 16.Which of the following actions is not what the I. O.C. will take to deal with the drugsADo the testing without giving any information.BFederalize the sports federations togetherCDo the testing that can detect all kind of drugs.DDo the testing out of the competition. 17.What is the author's attitude towards current financial rules and free-market policiesARadicalBIndifferenceCNeutralDCritical 18.Which of the following is NOT included in the prescription of traditional free-market orthodoxyALabor marketBFiscal disciplineCFinancial liberationDDeregulation 19.It can be learned from the paragraph 2 that after the crisis_.AEverything goes as it does before the crisis.BThailand and South Korea have adopted new measures to control the market.CAll the affected nations are more involved in global economy.DThe worldwide wave of protectionism may come true one day 20.According to the passage, which of the following is TRUEAAfter the crisis, people began to rethink the economic globalization.BWashington has reached a new consensus which is totally different from the former one.CCritics believe that economic globalization has its mortal defect, which has been proved in Asian Financial Crisis.DA new international financial system will be built to replace the old market' system. 21.What is the main idea of the first paragraphAAfter the severe Asian Financial Crisis, the world economy began to recover.BAsian Financial Crisis is as devastating as a neutron bomb and causes great damage.CThere are still direct and indirect impacts so that the economy cannot recover.DThe direct impact of Asian Financial Crisis has gone. 22.Section Reading Comprehension Part A Directions: Reading the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points) Text 1 Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. Unless we change the decision-making process, he says bluntly, we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem. With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems. Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt. As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that hap pens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves. A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system-informal but religiously followed-through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability. As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now bought into one of Mr Koizumi’s best slogans: Change the LDP, change Japan.The diversion Yasuhisa Shizoki enjoys is mentioned in the text to（）Ato introduce the topic of economic reforms.Bto honor his unique service to the LDP.Cto highlight his ability to solve problems.Dto show how he sort out his slogans.23.Section Reading Comprehension Part A Directions: Reading the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points) Text 1 Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. Unless we change the decision-making process, he says bluntly, we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem. With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems. Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt. As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that hap pens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves. A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system-informal but religiously followed-through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability. As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now bought into one of Mr Koizumi’s best slogans: Change the LDP, change Japan.It seems that the write is very critical of（）ALPD bodies' accountability.Bthe prime minister.Cadvocates of economic reforms.Dthe LDP machinery.24.Section Reading Comprehension Part A Directions: Reading the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points) Text 1 Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. Unless we change the decision-making process, he says bluntly, we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem. With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems. Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt. As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that hap pens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves. A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system-informal but religiously followed-through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parlia