2023年奥巴马在西点军校毕业典礼上演讲稿.docx

2023年奥巴马在西点军校毕业典礼上演讲稿president obama: thank you. thank you so much. thank you. thank you, general caslen, for that introduction. general trainor, general clarke, faculty and staff at west point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the united states army.美国总统奥巴马：感谢!特别感谢!感谢!感谢卡斯兰将军的介绍!特雷纳将军、克拉克将军、西点军校的教职工们，你们始终以来都是这所令人骄傲的学府的优秀管理者，也是美国陆军新晋军官的杰出导师。i’d like to acknowledge the army’s leadership - general mchugh - secretary mchugh, general odierno, as well as senator jack reed who is here and a proud graduate of west point himself. to the class of , i congratulate you on taking your place on the long gray line.我要向陆军领导层表示感谢，包括陆军部长麦克休将军以及参谋长奥迪耶诺将军，同时也要感谢到场的杰克-里德参议员，他是西点军校引以为荣的毕业生之一。XX级的毕业生们，庆贺你们承接了西点军魂的使命。among you is the first all-female command team: erin mauldin and austen boroff. in calla glavin, you have a rhodes scholar, and josh herbeck proves that west point accuracy extends beyond the three point line. (laughter.)在你们当中，有美国首支女子指挥团队，包括艾琳-墨登和奥斯丁-波洛夫。卡拉-格莱文呈现了一位罗兹学者的风采，而乔希-赫贝克则证明白西点的精准度远在三分线之外。(笑声)to the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at west point, as commander in chief, i hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. (laughter, applause.)全体学员们，请安心度过你们在西点的最终时间，我以最高统帅的名义在此赦免全部因犯轻罪而关禁闭的学员。(笑声、掌声)let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when i was in school.容我说一句，我当学生的时候，可从未有人这么做过。i know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families. joe demoss, whose son james is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. deep inside, he wrote, we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country. like several graduates, james is a combat veteran, and i would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million americans who have served in iraq and afghanistan, as well as their families. (applause.)我知道，你们和我一样都要向自己的家人表示感谢。乔-狄摩斯是本届毕业生詹姆斯的父亲，他给我来信讲诉你们所作出的牺牲，也道出了很多父母的心声。他写道：在我们的内心深处，我们为他们立志报效国家而感到无比骄傲。和多位毕业生一样，詹姆斯也是位战场老兵。我请今日在座的各位起立，向我们当中的老兵，也向250多万曾在伊拉克和阿富汗服役的美国人及其家属致敬。(掌声)it is a particularly useful time for america to reflect on those who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after memorial day. you are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in iraq or afghanistan. (cheers, applause.)这是继数天前阵亡将士纪念日后的又一个极有意义的时刻，让美国人民得以回想那些为我们的自由作出巨大牺牲的英雄。你们将是自911恐怖攻击以来，第一届不会被派到伊拉克或阿富汗参战的毕业生。(欢呼声、掌声)when i first spoke at west point in , we still had more than 100,000 troops in iraq. we were preparing to surge in afghanistan. our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-qaida’s core leadership - those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. and our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the great depression.XX年，我首次在西点发表演讲时，我们仍有10万多名士兵驻扎在伊拉克，也正打算增兵阿富汗。而我们的反恐重心则是基地组织的核心头目正是他们发动了911恐怖攻击。此外，我们的国家正起先一段摆脱大萧条以来最严峻经济危机的漫长历程。four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. we have removed our troops from iraq. we are winding down our war in afghanistan. al-qaida’s leadership on the border region between pakistan and afghanistan has been decimated, and osama bin laden is no more. (cheers, applause.) and through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of american strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.四年半以后，就在你们毕业之际，状况已发生了转变。我们已从伊拉克撤军，正逐步结束阿富汗的斗争。潜藏在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边疆地区的基地组织头目已被斩草除根，而奥萨马-本-拉登也早已命丧黄泉。(欢呼声、掌声)在经验了这一切之后，我们又将关注意心调整到美国实力的重要源头上来，这个源头就是不断发展的经济，为每一个情愿努力工作并情愿担当起家国责任的人供应机会。in fact, by most measures america has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. those who argue otherwise - who suggest that america is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away - are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics.事实上，与世界上其他国家相比，美国在许多方面都处于强势地位。有些人持不同观点，他们认为美国正在衰弱或正失去世界的领导地位，这些人不是对历史存在误读，就是陷入了党派政治的泥潭。think about it. our military has no peer. the odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the cold war. meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on earth, our businesses the most innovative. each year, we grow more energy independent. from europe to asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations.你们想一想，我们的军队天下无敌，任何国家对我们构成干脆威逼的几率微小，而且与我们在冷战时期所面临的危急相差甚远。同时，我们的经济活力仍居世界第一，企业的创新性也名列前茅。我们的能源独立性都在逐年增加。从欧洲到亚洲，我们是各国有史以来无人能敌的联盟轴心。america continues to attract striving immigrants. the values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe. and when a typhoon hits the philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in ukraine, it is america that the world looks to for help. (applause.) so the united states is and remains the one indispensable nation. that has been true for the century past, and it will be true for the century to come.美国将接着吸纳奋勉图强的外国移民。我们的建国理念激励着各国议会的领导人，也激励着世界各地在公共广场上发起的新运动。当台风攻击菲律宾的时候，当尼日利亚女学生遭到绑架的时候，当蒙面歹徒攻占乌克兰政府大楼的时候，全世界都翘首以待美国的救济之手。(掌声)因此，美国始终是一个无可取代的国家，上个世纪如此，下个世纪亦是如此。but the world is changing with accelerating speed. this presents opportunity, but also new dangers. we know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm.但是，如今的世界瞬息万变。这为我们带来了机遇，也带来了新的危急。911恐怖攻击事务让我们清晰地相识到，科技和全球化发展是如何让原本由国家掌控的权力落入个人之手，令恐怖分子为非作歹的。russia’s aggression towards former soviet states unnerves capitals in europe while china’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.不久前，俄罗斯派兵入侵前苏联加盟共和国乌克兰，这一军事动作牵动欧洲各国神经，与此同时，中国经济崛起及其军事走向则引发邻国担忧。from brazil to india, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. and even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago.从巴西到印度，新兴中产阶级在与我们绽开竞争，此外，各国谋求在国际事务中争取更多话语权。尽管发展中国家拥护民主、认同市场经济，但全天候新闻以及社交媒体报道使得人们无法对接连发生在这些国家的派系冲突、国家衰败与民众暴动等事务视而不见。然而，这些对于上一代人而言，只能引来他们的侧目罢了。it will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. the question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether america will lead but how we will lead, not just to secure our peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.如何能在新形势下有所作为的重担就要落在你们这一代的肩上了。摆在我们面前的问题，不是美国是否处在领导地位，而是她将如何引领各国;不只是美国能否实现旺盛发展，而是她如何能在全球范围内播撒和平与旺盛的种子，而这也是你们将来要面对的问题。now, this question isn’t new. at least since george washington served as commander in chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic well-being.这个问题并非簇新。至少，自乔治-华盛顿就任总司令即美国爆发独立斗争以来，就存在一些警告的声音，表示反对美国卷入与本国国家平安或经济福祉无干脆关联的外部纷争之中。today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in syria or ukraine or the central african republic are not ours to solve. and not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many americans.现在，那些自诩为现实主义者的人认为，美国无需理睬发生在叙利亚、乌克兰，以及中非共和国的冲突。的确，在经受了斗争以及来自国内的多重挑战之后，这种观点为很多美国人所认同，这并不意外。a different view, from interventionists from the left and right, says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril, that america’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and america’s failure to act in the face of syrian brutality or russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.然而，干涉主义者对此持不同观点。他们认为，无视这些冲突最终会危及我们自身，美国在全球充当世界警察角色的意愿能 够最彻底地保卫世界平安，使其免于陷入混乱。而若美国对叙利亚的暴乱或俄罗斯的挑衅撒手不管、无所作为的话，那么这不仅违反我们的良心，也会使得这些行径 在将来愈演愈烈。and each side can point to history to support its claims, but i believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. it is absolutely true that in the 21st century, american isolationism is not an option. we don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. if nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to american citizens.尽管双方的观点从历史角度看都成立，但我认为他们并没有充分反映当前形势下的需求。明显，对21世纪的美国而言，孤 立主义行不通。我们无法对发生在世界其他地区的事情漠然视之。例如，假如核燃料担心全，那么它就会威及美国人民的生命。as the syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of battle-hardened extremist groups to come after us only increases. regional aggression that goes unchecked, whether in southern ukraine or the south china sea or anywhere else in the world, will ultimately impact our allies, and could draw in our military. we can’t ignore what happens beyond our boundaries.随着叙利亚内战战火跨越边疆，受斗争洗礼的极端组织攻击美国的实力也在增加。地区冲突接踵而至，无论是在乌克兰南部地区、南海亦或是世界其他地方，假如我们对此坐视不管，最终这将危及美国盟友的利益，美军也会卷入其中。因此，我们必需时刻关注外界事态。and beyond these narrow rationales, i believe we have a real stake - abiding self-interest - in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped; where individuals aren’t slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief.此外，跳出这些狭隘的理论框架来看，我认为大家还存在着一个真正的共同关切长久的个人利益，那就是要始终确保我们的子孙后代成长在这样一个世界当中，在那里，人们不会因为种族、信仰或政治理念的迥异而劫持女学生或滥杀无辜。i believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative; it also helps keep us safe.我认为，建设一个更加自由及包涵的世界不仅在道德上势在必行，而且有助于维护我们自身平安。but to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution. since world war ii, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the consequences, without building international support and legitimacy for our action, without leveling with the american people about the sacrifices required. tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans. as general eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947, war is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.尽管我们有意向在全球提倡和平与自由，但这并不意味着我们要借助军事手段来解决每个问题。二战结束以来，我们所犯的那些严峻的错误，皆源自我们倾向于以诉诸武力的方式来解决问题，而对后果考虑不周、缺乏国际支持及法律支持，也没有向美国人民交代他们须要作出的牺牲，以使他们心中有数。虽然强硬的表态时常占据报纸头条，但斗争却很少与口号步调一样。正如对这个问题深有体会的艾森豪威尔将军(general eisenhower)，于1947年在西点军校毕业典礼上所说的那样：斗争是人类最凄惨、最愚笨的蠢行，无论是蓄意挑起斗争，还是为其献计献策，这都是对全人类犯下的滔天罪行。like eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at west point. four of the service members who stood in the audience when i announced the surge of our forces in afghanistan gave their lives in that effort. a lot more were wounded.与他一样，这一代的军人无论男女，都对斗争理解深刻。这其中也包括了你们西点毕业生。在我宣布增兵阿富汗时，听众当中的4名服役人员后来就在那里壮烈牺牲。此外，还有很多西点士兵受伤。i believe america’s security demanded those deployments. but i am haunted by those deaths. i am haunted by those wounds. and i would betray my duty to you, and to the country we love, if i sent you into harm’s way simply because i saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because i was worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way for america to avoid looking weak.我认为，出于维护美国国家平安的考虑，这些军事部署是很有必要的。但是，这些伤亡者的英魂和伤痛始终萦绕在我的脑海、令我难安。假如我将你们派上战场，仅仅是因为世界某地出现问题须要处理，或是担忧指责家会将军事不作为视作是美国懦弱的表现，那么，我就违反了自己对你们、对这个我们所爱国家的职责了。here’s my bottom line: america must always lead on the world stage. if we don’t, no one else will. the military that you have joined is, and always will be, the backbone of that leadership. but u.s. military action cannot be the only - or even primary - component of our leadership in every instance. just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail.我的底线是：美国必需在世界范围保持领导力。假如我们不能，没人能。你们所加入的美军，恒久都是美国领导世界的中坚力气。但是美国的军事行动不是我们呈现领导力的唯一方式，更不是主要部分。因为虽然我们有最好的锤子(美军)，但并不意味着每个问题都是钉子。and because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilian leader - and especially your commander in chief - to be clear about how that awesome power should be used. so let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the united states of america, and our military, should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership.因为军事行动代价极大，所以你们应当期望每个平民领袖尤其是你们的总司令清晰如何运用这一令人生畏的力气。所以，让我用剩下的时间来描述一下我的想法：关于美国和美军在将来几年应怎样领导世界，而你们将会成为领导世界力气的一部分。first, let me repeat a principle i put forward at the outset of my presidency: the united states will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it - when our people are threatened; when our livelihoods are at stake; when the security of our allies is in danger.首先，让我重申一下我在就任总统时提出的原则：当我们的核心利益须要的时候我们的人民受到威逼、生计受到威逼、盟友的平安处于危急之中假如有必要，美国将单方面运用军事力气。in these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just. international opinion matters, but america should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland or our way of life. (applause.)当然在这些状况下，我们仍旧须要扪心自问，我们的行动是否合适有效公正。虽然国际舆论很重要，但是在爱护我们的人民、祖国和生活方式这些问题上，美国不须要得到别人的许可。(掌声)on the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the united states, when such issues are at stake, when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us, then the threshold for military action must be higher. in such circumstances, we should not go it alone. instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. we have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development, sanctions and isolation, appeals to international law, and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. in such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.另一方面，当引起世界关注但没有干脆威逼到美国利益的危机产生时，当这些问题亟待解决时，当能触动我们的良心或推动世界向更危急的方向发展但不对美国构成干脆威逼的危机出现时，我们更不能轻易实行军事行动。在这种状况下，我们不应当单打独斗。相反，我们必需动员盟友和合作伙伴实行集体行动。我们应当广泛运用各种手段，包括外交和发展、制裁和孤立、诉诸于国际法，甚至在必要状况下实行多边军事行动。在这些状况下，我们必需与其他国家合作，因为集体行动更简单胜利，持续性强，还可以削减代价惨痛的错误。this leads to my second point. for the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to america, at home and abroad, remains terrorism, but a strategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naive and unsustainable. i be