The Economist 经济学人杂志2019-09-28.pdf

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1、 SEPTEMBER 28THOCTOBER 4TH 2019WeWork and the future of the officeChinas other MuslimsPoverty in America: a special reportSchrdingers cheetahTwitterdumandTwaddledee The reckoningThe Economist September 28th 20195Contents continues overleaf1ContentsThe world this week 8A summary of political and busi

2、ness news PoliticsLeaders 13Twaddledee The reckoning 14Twitterdum The promise and the perils of impeachment 16Quantum computers Supreme achievement 16The future of the office Work in progress 18Agriculture Bureaucratic herbicideLetters 20On economists, Colombia, Syria, Stanley Baldwin, the Bible, Ch

3、ina, ToriesBriefing 23Impeachment Telephone justiceSpecial report: Poverty in America Pity the children After page 52Britain 27The Supreme Court rules 28The Jennifer Arcuri affair 30Labour s conference 32Private schools in peril 32Online old-boy networks 33Thomas Cook checks out 34Bagehot Labour aft

4、er CorbynEurope 35Hope and fear in Ukraine 36French addresses 36Austria s election 37German climate policy 38Turkey floods its heritage 38Estonian booze 40Charlemagne Macron s long gameUnited States 41The Supreme Court 42Electronic monitoring 43Paying college athletes 43Opinion polling 44Primary hea

5、lth care 46Lexington Lessons from Harlan CountyThe Americas 47Justin Trudeau s troubles 48Bello The war against corruptionMiddle East it lost $196m in itslatest financial year. Peloton will have to up the pace as it becomes a public company. ADVERTISEMENTResearch found that the growth of tech firms

6、inParis is being stoked by the French governments determination to attract global tech talentto the extent that visa criteriaare designed to fill specific skill gaps in the tech ecosystem.When you open your borders, you attract talent from abroad and stimulate innovation. If you attract the best bra

7、ins, you will increase the likelihood of becoming a global leader.Christophe Donay, Head of macro research and asset allocation at Pictet Wealth ManagementTorontoboasts a supportive innovation ecosystem, including accelerator programmes focused on turning groundbreaking science into real businessesa

8、nd a job rate in the technology sector growing at twice that of the San Francisco Bay Area.What stands out here is the focus on commer- cialising science and research, alongside purely consumer-driven tech.Saara Punjani, CEO of Structura BiotechnologyTalent concentration inTelAvivalong with its shar

9、ed sense of history and community underpin its leadership in bioscience and manufacturing technologies.Israels tech ecosystem is characterised by a can-do attitude, and perhaps the most important differentiating factor is how the Israeli ecosystem embraces failure. The effect of this is that people

10、are more inclined to take risks and experiment.Amos Meiri, Co-founder and CEO of Colu Los Angeles deep-rooted creative industries made it the natural epicentre of innovation in augmented and virtual reality (VR), even where VR is deployed outside the entertainment sector, such as in healthcare. I do

11、 not believe there is a better city in the world to develop VR content at present than Los Angeles. The talent pool of highly skilled gaming professionals in Southern California is by far our greatest asset and resource.Seth Gerson, CEO of SurviosBeijingis forging ahead as a global leader in AI and

12、robotics. As the political centre of China, it is reaping the benefits of the governments support for a technology- driven university ecosystem.The first wave of digital entrepreneurs, like Sohu and Sina, followed by Baidu, came from Beijing. The city is also the political centre of China and where

13、you have political power, that is where the economic resources are.Dong Chen, Senior Asia economist at Pictet Wealth ManagementUncovering tomorrows innovationhotspots“The leadership of innovation hubs like Silicon Valley, London and New York is being challenged by five rising cities. Why these citie

14、sBeijing, Los Angeles, Paris, Tel Aviv and Torontoare succeeding is the subject of new research commissioned by Pictet from The Economist Intelligence Unit. Discover our film series, articles and more on Leaders 13No british institution is any longer immune to the Brexit virus. On September 24th the

15、 Supreme Court ruled that the queen herself had been led to act unlawfully when her prime minister, Boris Johnson, advised her to suspend Parliament in the run-up to Britain s departure from the European Union (see Britain section). Unanimous, the judges ruled that the govern- ment had not provided

16、“any reasonlet alone a good reason” for this intrusion on “the fundamentals of democracy”. The very next day mps returned to work triumphant. This was the worst week in Mr Johnson s extraordinarily badtwo months in office. The unelected prime minister has lost ev-ery vote he has faced, squandered hi

17、s majority and fired a score of mps from his Conservative Party. Following the court s ruling, he was dragged back from a un summit in New York to face the music in Westminster, where mps now have ample time to grill him not only about his fraying Brexit plans but also on allega- tions of corruption

18、 during his stint as mayor of London. Mr Johnson is an unworthy occupant of 10 Downing Street. And yet the man who would replace him, Labour s Jeremy Cor- byn, is hardly more appealing. At its conference this week Labour set out a platform of wildly far-left policies, including the expro- priation o

19、f a tenth of the equity of every large company, a big round of nationalisation, the seizure of private schools assets and a four-day working week. The extreme na- ture of the programme was matched only by theextreme viciousness of the infighting, and the extreme incompetence with which plots were ha

20、tched and backs were stabbed. It may seem like an awful twist of fate that at such a crucial time Britain has both the worst prime minister and worst leader of the opposi- tion in living memory. But it is no coincidence. Both men, wholly inadequate to their roles, are in place only be- cause Brexit

21、has upended the normal rules of politics. This tur- bulent week has shown more clearly than ever that, until Brit- ain s relationship with the euis resolved, its broader politics will be dangerously dysfunctional.He fought the law and the law won The Supreme Court s welcome slapping down of Mr Johns

22、on s unlawful suspension of Parliament was a model of neutrality. But the unrepentant prime minister told a febrile Parliament that the court had been wrong to intervene. mps are sabotaging Brexit, he thundered; by ruling out a no-deal Brexit they are sur- rendering to the Europeans. The man who cla

23、imed he wanted to leave the eu to restore power to British institutions has again shown himself ready to vandalise them when it suits him. There is no doubt, though, that the person most damaged by the ruling is the prime minister himself. As well as the ignominy of losing the case, the judgment bri

24、ngs more immediate pro- blems. One is the prospect of mps digging into new claims that, as mayor, he funnelled public money to companies owned by a close friend. (He says funds were dispensed to her with “utter propriety”.) Another is that his promise to leave the eu on Octo- ber 31st under any circ

25、umstances looks rasher than ever. He isdesperatetodoadeal,butstrikingonethatsatisfiesboththeeu and his hardline Brexiteers in Parliament will be a tall orderas it was for his predecessor, Theresa May. The court has shown that it will not tolerate the kind of chicanery that his advisers seemed to thi

26、nk might get him out of this hole. If Mr Johnson feels tormented by Brexit, he should think again. His lifelong aim of becoming Conservative leader hadlong been blocked by fellow mps, who identified him as a light- weight and a liar. Only their panicked belief that the party need- ed a leader who ha

27、d backed Leave, and who could win voters from the hardline Brexit Party, persuaded them to overlook theglaring flaws in his character. Brexit may well make Mr Johnson the shortest-serving prime minister. But it was also Brexit that made him any sort of prime minister. Something similar is true of Mr

28、 Corbyn. He, too, is frustrated that Brexit, which does not much interest him, is distracting from his plans for transforming Britain. Labour s internal split on the issue is more likely than anything else to bring him down. But it is also Brexit that has catapulted him to the extraordinary position

29、 of preparing to form a socialist government before the end of the year. Brexit has done for two Tory prime ministers and counting, and split the party system in such a way that Labourmight yet take office on only a small share of the vote. Even with their humiliations, the Conservatives are ten poi

30、nts ahead in polls. Imagine how poorly Mr Corbyn, the most unpopular opposition leader on record, would be faring in normal times. Voters will soon face an unappetising choice between these two inadequate leaders. With the government some 40 votes short of a majority, an election is coming. Polls sh

31、ow that many vot- ers (like quite a few mps) are defecting to the moderate Liberal Democratsa sign that they reject the drift tothe extremes in the two main parties. Yet under first-past-the- post voting it would take an earthquake for the next prime min- ister to be anyone other than Mr Johnson or

32、Mr Corbyn. And as for the great matter of the day, neither man has yet been able to say precisely what type of Brexit, if any, he could bring about. Given the polls, it is likely that neither will end up with a major- ity, leaving Parliament just as logjammed as today. That is why the Brexit questio

33、n is best answered by returning it to voters, via a second referendum. We have long argued thatthey deserve a chance to say whether the final exit deal is prefer- able to the one they have as eu members. A referendum would resurrect bitter arguments and infuriate Leavers, who see it as a rematch of

34、a contest they already won. But nearly four years will have passed between the original vote and a likely exit date. Inaddition, what was promised has turned out starkly different from the reality, especially if Britain proposes to leave without adeal. It is thus more important than ever to find out

35、 if voters are really in favour of what is being done in their name. The public supports the idea of a second vote and there is just about a major- ity for it in Parliament, which can agree on little else. Only when people are given a clear choice on this question can the countrybegin to shake offth

36、e Brexit virus. 7The reckoningOn September 24th, the day they met in New York, the British prime minister and the American president, two exponents of the new populism, both fell foul of their country s institutions. First Boris Johnson Leaders14LeadersThe Economist September 28th 2019America almost

37、 didn t have a president. The men who ar- rived at the constitutional convention in 1787 brought withthem a horror of monarchy. Absent a figure of George Washing- ton s stature, the young country might have adopted a parlia-mentary system of government. Yet having created the office, the founders ha

38、d to devise a way to remove presidents who abusetheir positionsnot all people are Washingtons. They defined the mechanism: an impeachment vote in the House, followed by a trial in the Senate. The question of what exactly a president should be impeached for“treason, bribery or other high crimes and m

39、isdemeanours”was deliberately left to Congress. Hence, though impeachment is a constitutional provision, it is also a political campaign. That campaign began in earnest this week when Nancy Pelosi directed her Democratic colleagues in the House to begin impeachment hearings into President Do- nald T

40、rump. This will not necessarily lead to impeachment. In the past, though, impeachment hearings have generated a mo- mentum of their own. The process is fraught with risks on both sides. One thing seems certain: the process will further divide a country that is already set against itself. Ms Pelosi h

41、as taken such a momentous step because she be- lieves the president s behaviour towards Ukraine s government crossed a line. If that seems an obscure reason to contemplate unseating a president, remember that impeach- ment proceedings against Richard Nixon hadtheir origins in an office burglary and

42、the onesagainst Bill Clinton began with an affair with an intern. Mr Trump appears to have let Ukraine s government know that relations with America, including the supply of aid, depended on it pur- suing an investigation into the family of a politi- cal rivalthat would be more serious than abreak-i

43、n or a fling. It would mean the president had subverted the national interest to pursue a political vendetta. The federal government often gives foreign powers promises of aid in exchange for doing something that America wants themto do. The Ukraine case is different (see Briefing). America has an i

44、nterest in ensuring that Ukraine is able to defend itself against Russian aggression, which is why Congress came up with a pack- age of $391m in military aid for its newly elected government. Mr Trump acted against the national interest in putting that aid on hold, while pressing Volodymyr Zelensky,

45、 Ukraine s president, to investigate Hunter Biden, who had business dealings in Uk- raine and is the son of the Democratic front-runner, Joe Biden. If that were not clear enough, Mr Trump also sent his personal law- yer to meet an adviser to Mr Zelensky and repeat the message. In a country as corrup

46、t and vulnerable as Ukraine the link be- tween American support and investigating the Bidensyou give us dirt on Joe and we ll give you weapons and moneydid not need to be explicit to be understood. “I also want to ensure you that we will be very serious about the case and will work on the investigat

47、ion,” Mr Zelensky told Mr Trump in a call on July 25th. You might have thought the Mueller investigation into his campaign s dealings with Russia would have made Mr Trump wary of dallying with foreign governments. It seems not. Hisconductlooksalotlikebriberyorextortion.Andtousetaxpayer funds and the

48、 might of the American state to pursue a political enemy would count as an abuse of power. The founders wanted impeachment to be a practical option, not just a theoretical one. Otherwise the president would be above the law, a monarch sitting on a throne for four or eight years. Declining to impeach

49、 Mr Trump would set a precedent for future presidents: anything up to and including what the 45th president has done to date would be fair game. Republican parti- sans should consider to what depths a future Democratic presi- dent, thus emboldened, could stoop. It would also signal to America s allies and foes that snoopingon Americans who are influential or might become so was a fine way to curry favour with a president. There would be no need for the dirt even to be true. Russia