2022年云南考研英语考试考前冲刺卷.docx

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1、2022年云南考研英语考试考前冲刺卷本卷共分为1大题50小题，作答时间为180分钟，总分100分，60分及格。一、单项选择题（共50题，每题2分。每题的备选项中，只有一个最符合题意） 1.Text 4President Bush takes to the bully pulpit to deliver a stern lecture to America’s business elite. The Justice Dept. stuns the accounting profession by filing a criminal indictment of Arthur Ander

2、sen LLP for destroying documents related to its audits of Enron Corp. On Capitol Hill, some congressional panels push on with biased hearings on Enron’s collapse and, now, another busted New Economy star, telecom’s Global Crossing. Lawmakers sign on to new bills aimed at tightening overs

3、ight of everything from pensions and accounting to executive pay.To any spectators, it would be easy to conclude that the winds of change are sweeping Corporate America, led by George W. Bush, who ran as a reformer with result. But far from deconstructing the corporate world brick by brick into some

4、thing cleaner, sparer, and stronger, Bush aides and many legislators are preparing modest legislative and administrative reforms. Instead of an overhaul, Bush’s team is counting on its enforcers, Justice and a newly empowered Securities Exchange Commission, to make examples of the most egregio

5、us offenders. The idea is that business will quickly get the message and clean up its own act.Why won’t the outraged rhetoric result in more changes For starters, the Bush Administration warns that any rush to legislate corporate behavior could produce a raft of flawed bills that raise costs w

6、ithout halting abuses. Business has striven to drive the point home with an intense lobbying blitz that has convinced many lawmakers that over-regulation could startle the stock market and perhaps endanger the nascent economic recovery.All this sets the stage for Washington to get busy with predicta

7、bly modest results. A surge of caution is sweeping would-be reformers on the Hill. They know they don’t want to make a big mistake, says Jerry J. Jasinowski, president of the National Association of Manufacturers. That go-slow approach suits the White House. Aides say the President, while pers

8、onally disgusted by Enron’s sellout of its pensioners, is reluctant to embrace new sanctions that frustrate even law-abiding corporations and create a litigation bonanza for trial lawyers. Instead, the White House will push for narrowly targeted action, most of it carried out by the SEC, the T

9、reasury Dept. , and the Labor Dept. The right outcome, Treasury Secretary Paul H. O’Neill said on Mar. 15, depends on the Congress not legislating things that are over the top.To O’Neill and Bush, that means enforcing current laws before passing too many new ones. Nowhere is that stance

10、clearer than in the Andersen indictment. So the Bush Administration left the decision to Justice Dept. prosecutors rather than White House political operatives or their reformist fellows at the SEC.The conclusion can be drawn from the text that in the wake of Andersens scandal, the government（）Amay

11、make only modest change.Bwill take drastic countermeasures.Cwill adopt corporate restructuring.Dwill investigate Enron's collapse.2.Text 4President Bush takes to the bully pulpit to deliver a stern lecture to America’s business elite. The Justice Dept. stuns the accounting profession by fi

12、ling a criminal indictment of Arthur Andersen LLP for destroying documents related to its audits of Enron Corp. On Capitol Hill, some congressional panels push on with biased hearings on Enron’s collapse and, now, another busted New Economy star, telecom’s Global Crossing. Lawmakers sign

13、 on to new bills aimed at tightening oversight of everything from pensions and accounting to executive pay.To any spectators, it would be easy to conclude that the winds of change are sweeping Corporate America, led by George W. Bush, who ran as a reformer with result. But far from deconstructing th

14、e corporate world brick by brick into something cleaner, sparer, and stronger, Bush aides and many legislators are preparing modest legislative and administrative reforms. Instead of an overhaul, Bush’s team is counting on its enforcers, Justice and a newly empowered Securities Exchange Commis

15、sion, to make examples of the most egregious offenders. The idea is that business will quickly get the message and clean up its own act.Why won’t the outraged rhetoric result in more changes For starters, the Bush Administration warns that any rush to legislate corporate behavior could produce

16、 a raft of flawed bills that raise costs without halting abuses. Business has striven to drive the point home with an intense lobbying blitz that has convinced many lawmakers that over-regulation could startle the stock market and perhaps endanger the nascent economic recovery.All this sets the stag

17、e for Washington to get busy with predictably modest results. A surge of caution is sweeping would-be reformers on the Hill. They know they don’t want to make a big mistake, says Jerry J. Jasinowski, president of the National Association of Manufacturers. That go-slow approach suits the White

18、House. Aides say the President, while personally disgusted by Enron’s sellout of its pensioners, is reluctant to embrace new sanctions that frustrate even law-abiding corporations and create a litigation bonanza for trial lawyers. Instead, the White House will push for narrowly targeted action

19、, most of it carried out by the SEC, the Treasury Dept. , and the Labor Dept. The right outcome, Treasury Secretary Paul H. O’Neill said on Mar. 15, depends on the Congress not legislating things that are over the top.To O’Neill and Bush, that means enforcing current laws before passing

20、too many new ones. Nowhere is that stance clearer than in the Andersen indictment. So the Bush Administration left the decision to Justice Dept. prosecutors rather than White House political operatives or their reformist fellows at the SEC.By outraged rhetoric (Paragraph 3), the author is talking ab

21、out（）Aan intense lobby blitz shown in corporate behavior.Bthe indignation display, ed by some congressmen.Ca decision left up to Justice Dept. prosecutors.Dthe message embodied in the President's actions.3.Text 4President Bush takes to the bully pulpit to deliver a stern lecture to America&rsquo

22、;s business elite. The Justice Dept. stuns the accounting profession by filing a criminal indictment of Arthur Andersen LLP for destroying documents related to its audits of Enron Corp. On Capitol Hill, some congressional panels push on with biased hearings on Enron’s collapse and, now, anothe

23、r busted New Economy star, telecom’s Global Crossing. Lawmakers sign on to new bills aimed at tightening oversight of everything from pensions and accounting to executive pay.To any spectators, it would be easy to conclude that the winds of change are sweeping Corporate America, led by George

24、W. Bush, who ran as a reformer with result. But far from deconstructing the corporate world brick by brick into something cleaner, sparer, and stronger, Bush aides and many legislators are preparing modest legislative and administrative reforms. Instead of an overhaul, Bush’s team is counting

25、on its enforcers, Justice and a newly empowered Securities Exchange Commission, to make examples of the most egregious offenders. The idea is that business will quickly get the message and clean up its own act.Why won’t the outraged rhetoric result in more changes For starters, the Bush Admini

26、stration warns that any rush to legislate corporate behavior could produce a raft of flawed bills that raise costs without halting abuses. Business has striven to drive the point home with an intense lobbying blitz that has convinced many lawmakers that over-regulation could startle the stock market

27、 and perhaps endanger the nascent economic recovery.All this sets the stage for Washington to get busy with predictably modest results. A surge of caution is sweeping would-be reformers on the Hill. They know they don’t want to make a big mistake, says Jerry J. Jasinowski, president of the Nat

28、ional Association of Manufacturers. That go-slow approach suits the White House. Aides say the President, while personally disgusted by Enron’s sellout of its pensioners, is reluctant to embrace new sanctions that frustrate even law-abiding corporations and create a litigation bonanza for tria

29、l lawyers. Instead, the White House will push for narrowly targeted action, most of it carried out by the SEC, the Treasury Dept. , and the Labor Dept. The right outcome, Treasury Secretary Paul H. O’Neill said on Mar. 15, depends on the Congress not legislating things that are over the top.To

30、 O’Neill and Bush, that means enforcing current laws before passing too many new ones. Nowhere is that stance clearer than in the Andersen indictment. So the Bush Administration left the decision to Justice Dept. prosecutors rather than White House political operatives or their reformist fello

31、ws at the SEC.We can learn from the first paragraph that（）Athe Justice Department seized on the plight of Enron's workers.Bthe White House recognized that stricter control is a political must.CThe President was determined to turn a reformed Andersen into a model.Dthe White House responded strong

32、ly to the Andersen's scandal.4.Text 4President Bush takes to the bully pulpit to deliver a stern lecture to America’s business elite. The Justice Dept. stuns the accounting profession by filing a criminal indictment of Arthur Andersen LLP for destroying documents related to its audits of E

33、nron Corp. On Capitol Hill, some congressional panels push on with biased hearings on Enron’s collapse and, now, another busted New Economy star, telecom’s Global Crossing. Lawmakers sign on to new bills aimed at tightening oversight of everything from pensions and accounting to executiv

34、e pay.To any spectators, it would be easy to conclude that the winds of change are sweeping Corporate America, led by George W. Bush, who ran as a reformer with result. But far from deconstructing the corporate world brick by brick into something cleaner, sparer, and stronger, Bush aides and many le

35、gislators are preparing modest legislative and administrative reforms. Instead of an overhaul, Bush’s team is counting on its enforcers, Justice and a newly empowered Securities Exchange Commission, to make examples of the most egregious offenders. The idea is that business will quickly get th

36、e message and clean up its own act.Why won’t the outraged rhetoric result in more changes For starters, the Bush Administration warns that any rush to legislate corporate behavior could produce a raft of flawed bills that raise costs without halting abuses. Business has striven to drive the po

37、int home with an intense lobbying blitz that has convinced many lawmakers that over-regulation could startle the stock market and perhaps endanger the nascent economic recovery.All this sets the stage for Washington to get busy with predictably modest results. A surge of caution is sweeping would-be

38、 reformers on the Hill. They know they don’t want to make a big mistake, says Jerry J. Jasinowski, president of the National Association of Manufacturers. That go-slow approach suits the White House. Aides say the President, while personally disgusted by Enron’s sellout of its pensioners

39、, is reluctant to embrace new sanctions that frustrate even law-abiding corporations and create a litigation bonanza for trial lawyers. Instead, the White House will push for narrowly targeted action, most of it carried out by the SEC, the Treasury Dept. , and the Labor Dept. The right outcome, Trea

40、sury Secretary Paul H. O’Neill said on Mar. 15, depends on the Congress not legislating things that are over the top.To O’Neill and Bush, that means enforcing current laws before passing too many new ones. Nowhere is that stance clearer than in the Andersen indictment. So the Bush Admini

41、stration left the decision to Justice Dept. prosecutors rather than White House political operatives or their reformist fellows at the SEC.What the author wants to suggest may be best interpreted as（）ACrime doesn't pay.BHaste makes waste.CLook before you leap.DLike father, like son.5.Text 4Presi

42、dent Bush takes to the bully pulpit to deliver a stern lecture to America’s business elite. The Justice Dept. stuns the accounting profession by filing a criminal indictment of Arthur Andersen LLP for destroying documents related to its audits of Enron Corp. On Capitol Hill, some congressional

43、 panels push on with biased hearings on Enron’s collapse and, now, another busted New Economy star, telecom’s Global Crossing. Lawmakers sign on to new bills aimed at tightening oversight of everything from pensions and accounting to executive pay.To any spectators, it would be easy to c

44、onclude that the winds of change are sweeping Corporate America, led by George W. Bush, who ran as a reformer with result. But far from deconstructing the corporate world brick by brick into something cleaner, sparer, and stronger, Bush aides and many legislators are preparing modest legislative and

45、 administrative reforms. Instead of an overhaul, Bush’s team is counting on its enforcers, Justice and a newly empowered Securities Exchange Commission, to make examples of the most egregious offenders. The idea is that business will quickly get the message and clean up its own act.Why won&rsq

46、uo;t the outraged rhetoric result in more changes For starters, the Bush Administration warns that any rush to legislate corporate behavior could produce a raft of flawed bills that raise costs without halting abuses. Business has striven to drive the point home with an intense lobbying blitz that h

47、as convinced many lawmakers that over-regulation could startle the stock market and perhaps endanger the nascent economic recovery.All this sets the stage for Washington to get busy with predictably modest results. A surge of caution is sweeping would-be reformers on the Hill. They know they don&rsq

48、uo;t want to make a big mistake, says Jerry J. Jasinowski, president of the National Association of Manufacturers. That go-slow approach suits the White House. Aides say the President, while personally disgusted by Enron’s sellout of its pensioners, is reluctant to embrace new sanctions that f

49、rustrate even law-abiding corporations and create a litigation bonanza for trial lawyers. Instead, the White House will push for narrowly targeted action, most of it carried out by the SEC, the Treasury Dept. , and the Labor Dept. The right outcome, Treasury Secretary Paul H. O’Neill said on Mar. 15, depends on the Congress not legislating things that are over the top.To O’Neill and Bush, that means enforcing current laws before passing too many new ones. Nowhere is that stance