Obergefell v. Hodges576 U.S..pdf
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1、Obergefell v.Hodges576 U.S.SyllabusOpinion(Anthony M.Kennedy)Dissent(Antonin Scalia)Dissent(John G.Roberts,Jr.)Dissent(Clarence Thomas)Dissent(Samuel A.Alito,Jr.)SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES_Nos.14556,14-562,14-571 and 14574_JAMES OBERGEFELL,et al.,PETITIONERS14556v.RICHARD HODGES,DIRECTOR,OHI
2、O DEPARTMENT OFHEALTH,et al.;VALERIA TANCO,et al.,PETITIONERS14562v.BILL HASLAM,GOVERNOR OF TENNESSEE,et al.;APRIL DeBOER,et al.,PETITIONERS14571v.RICK SNYDER,GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN,et al.;ANDGREGORY BOURKE,et al.,PETITIONERS14574v.STEVE BESHEAR,GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKYon writs of certiorari to the united
3、 states court of appeals forthe sixth circuitJune 26,2015Justice Scalia,with whom Justice Thomas joins,dissenting.I join The Chief Justices opinion in full.I write separately tocall attention to this Courts threat to American democracy.The substance of todays decree is not of immense personalimporta
4、nce to me.The law can recognize as marriagewhatever sexual attachments and living arrangements itwishes,and can accord them favorable civil consequences,from tax treatment to rights of inheritance.Those civilconsequencesand the public approval that conferring thename of marriage evidencescan perhaps
5、 have adversesocial effects,but no more adverse than the effects of manyother controversial laws.So it is not of special importance tome what the law says about marriage.It is of overwhelmingimportance,however,who it is that rules me.Todays decreesays that my Ruler,and the Ruler of 320 million Ameri
6、canscoast-to-coast,is a majority of the nine lawyers on theSupreme Court.The opinion in these cases is the furthestextension in factand the furthest extension one can evenimagineof the Courts claimed power to create“liberties”that the Constitution and its Amendments neglect tomention.This practice o
7、f constitutional revision by anunelected committee of nine,always accompanied(as it istoday)by extravagant praise of liberty,robs the People ofthe most important liberty they asserted in the Declarationof Independence and won in the Revolution of 1776:thefreedom to govern themselves.IUntil the court
8、s put a stop to it,public debate over same-sex marriage displayed American democracy at its best.Individuals on both sides of the issue passionately,butrespectfully,attempted to persuade their fellow citizens toaccept their views.Americans considered the argumentsand put the question to a vote.The e
9、lectorates of 11 States,either directly or through their representatives,chose toexpand the traditional definition of marriage.Many moredecided not to.1 Win or lose,advocates for both sidescontinued pressing their cases,secure in the knowledge thatan electoral loss can be negated by a later electora
10、l win.That is exactly how our system of government is supposedto work.2The Constitution places some constraints on self-ruleconstraints adopted by the People themselves when theyratified the Constitution and its Amendments.Forbidden arelaws“impairing the Obligation of Contracts,”3 denying“Full Faith
11、 and Credit”to the“public Acts”of other States,4prohibiting the free exercise of religion,5 abridging thefreedom of speech,6 infringing the right to keep and beararms,7 authorizing unreasonable searches and seizures,8and so forth.Aside from these limitations,those powers“reserved to the States respe
12、ctively,or to the people”9 canbe exercised as the States or the People desire.These casesask us to decide whether theFourteenth Amendment contains a limitation that requiresthe States to license and recognize marriages between twopeople of the same sex.Does it remove that issue from thepolitical pro
13、cess?Of course not.It would be surprising to find a prescriptionregarding marriage in the Federal Constitution since,as theauthor of todays opinion reminded us only two years ago(in an opinion joined by the same Justices who join himtoday):“Regulation of domestic relations is an area that has longbe
14、en regarded as a virtually exclusive province of theStates.”10“The Federal Government,through our history,hasdeferred to state-law policy decisions with respect todomestic relations.”11But we need not speculate.When theFourteenth Amendment was ratified in 1868,every Statelimited marriage to one man
15、and one woman,and no onedoubted the constitutionality of doing so.That resolvesthese cases.When it comes to determining the meaning ofa vague constitutional provisionsuch as“due process oflaw”or“equal protection of the laws”it is unquestionablethat the People who ratified that provision did notunder
16、stand it to prohibit a practice that remained bothuniversal and uncontroversial in the years afterratification.12 We have no basis for striking down apractice that is not expressly prohibited by theFourteenth Amendments text,and that bears theendorsement of a long tradition of open,widespread,andunc
17、hallenged use dating back to the Amendmentsratification.Since there is no doubt whatever that the Peoplenever decided to prohibit the limitation of marriage toopposite-sex couples,the public debate over same-sexmarriage must be allowed to continue.But the Court ends this debate,in an opinion lacking
18、 even athin veneer of law.Buried beneath the mummeries andstraining-to-be-memorable passages of the opinion is acandid and startling assertion:No matter what it was thePeople ratified,theFourteenth Amendment protects those rights that theJudiciary,in its“reasoned judgment,”thinks theFourteenth Amend
19、ment ought to protect.13 That is sobecause“the generations that wrote and ratified the Bill ofRights and theFourteenth Amendment did not presume to know theextent of freedom in all of its dimensions.”14 Onewould think that sentence would continue:“.andtherefore they provided for a means by which the
20、 Peoplecould amend the Constitution,”or perhaps“.andtherefore they left the creation of additional liberties,suchas the freedom to marry someone of the same sex,to thePeople,through the never-ending process of legislation.”But no.What logically follows,in the majoritys judge-empowering estimation,is
21、:“and so they entrusted to futuregenerations a charter protecting the right of all persons toenjoy liberty as we learn its meaning.”15 The“we,”needless to say,is the nine of us.“History and traditionguide and discipline our inquiry but do not set its outerboundaries.”16 Thus,rather than focusing on
22、the Peoplesunderstanding of“liberty”at the time of ratification oreven todaythe majority focuses on four“principles andtraditions”that,in the majoritys view,prohibit States fromdefining marriage as an institution consisting of one manand one woman.17This is a naked judicial claim to legislativeindee
23、d,super-legislativepower;a claim fundamentally at odds with oursystem of government.Except as limited by a constitutionalprohibition agreed to by the People,the States are free toadopt whatever laws they like,even those that offend theesteemed Justices“reasoned judgment.”A system ofgovernment that m
24、akes the People subordinate to acommittee of nine unelected lawyers does not deserve to becalled a democracy.Judges are selected precisely for their skill as lawyers;whether they reflect the policy views of a particularconstituency is not(or should not be)relevant.Notsurprisingly then,the Federal Ju
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