彼得森经济研究所-加速接种新冠疫苗的经济成本和效益(英文)-2021.5-16正式版.ppt
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1、POLICY BRIEF21-11 Economic Costs andBenefits of AcceleratedCOVID-19 V accinationsJoseph E.Gagnon,Steven Kamin,and John KearnsM ay 2021Note:The authors thank Olivier Blanchard,Chad Bown,Jim Capretta,Monica deB olle,Jacob Kirkegaard,and M arcus Noland for helpful comments and suggestions.A ll errors a
2、nd opinions are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect the viewsof the American Enterprise Institute,the Peterson Institute,or other members of theirmanagement and research staf f.I.INTRODUCTIONJust as COVID-1 9 produced a global economic shock,the COVID-1 9 vaccinationprograms are generally
3、 understood to be a prerequisite for a return to normalcyin our social and economic lives.Emergency measures to research,test,produce,and distribute vaccines have been expensive,but increases in GDP resulting fromthe vaccines are expected to exceed those costs by wide margins.Few studieshave quantif
4、ied the economic costs and benefits of dif ferent rates of COVID-1 9vaccination,however.This P olicy Brief focuses on developing such a quantitativeassessment for the United States;the approach may be applied to othercountries as well.Joseph E.Gagnon is seniorfellow at the PetersonInstitute for Inte
5、rnationalEconomics.Steven Kamin is residentscholar at the AmericanEnterprise Institute.John Kearns is researchassistant at the AmericanEnterprise Institute.T wo illustrative scenarios support the conclusion that most plausible optionsto accelerate vaccinations would have economic benefits that far e
6、xceed theircosts,in addition to their more important accomplishment of saving lives.ThisP olicy Brief shows that if,for example,the United States had adopted a moreaggressive policy in 2020 of unconditional contracts with vaccine producers,the up-front cost would have been higher but thousands of li
7、ves would havebeen saved and economic growth would have been stronger.Instead,thefederal government conditioned its contracts on the vaccines being proven safeand ef fective.The projections presented here show that even if unconditionalcontracts led to support for vaccines that failed the phase III
8、trial and ultimatelywere not used,the cost would have been worth it.1 750 M assachusetts A venue,NW|W ashington,DC 200 36-1 90 3 USA|+1.202.32 8.9000|PB 21-11|MAY 2021 2The few studies that have addressed this issue find that vaccinations lead tovery substantial increases in GDP relative to their co
9、st.Juan Castillo and colleagues(2021)calculate that a baseline path of global vaccinations,in which it would taketwo years to vaccinate 70 percent of the worlds population,would boost globalGDP by$8.7 trillion compared with an alternative without vaccinations;a fasterpace of vaccination that hastens
10、 the end of the pandemic by 10 months wouldlead to an additional$970 billion in world GDP.But this study relies on outdated(mid-2020)estimates of the effect of the pandemic on global GDP.It also doesnot account for adjustments by households and businesses that have moderatedthe economic effect of th
11、e disease.Cem akmakli and colleagues(2021)do notcalculate the economic benefits of vaccination per se,but they find that failureto vaccinate the worlds developing economies could cost the world between$1.5 trillion and$6.1 trillion;impacts on the United States alone could be as highas$670 billion.Th
12、eir analysis for the most part relies on a calibrated generalequilibrium model,and it is unclear how well it mirrors real-world behavior.Our study differs from this and other research in a number of ways.First,ourestimates of the economic effects of the pandemic are based on an empirical modelof the
13、 responses of GDP to COVID-19 deaths and lockdown regulations.Second,wefocus primarily on the effects of vaccination on the US economy.And,finally,ratherthan attempting to quantify the economic effects of an all-or-nothing vaccinationeffort,we consider the effects of faster or slower paths of vaccin
14、ation,comparedwith a baseline path projected by public health experts.This narrower focus is moreuseful because it narrows the spotlight to allocation decisions that can yet be madeby policymakers or that could be made in a future pandemic.It should also be morerealistic,in that moving from no vacci
15、nation program to a rapid program wouldlikely induce substantial changes in economic and personal behavior that would notoccur with incremental differences in the pace of vaccination.As previous studies have found,vaccinations are indisputably cost-efficient,but owing in part to the more marginal ch
16、anges in the pace of vaccination underconsideration here the effects are less dramatic.For example,one scenarioassumes that,prior to the launch of phase III vaccine trials last year,the federalgovernment had signed unconditional contracts to purchase vaccines from theproducers instead of the conditi
17、onal contracts it actually used.The unconditionalcontracts would have exposed the government to the risk of paying for somevaccines that were not effectivebut it would have enabled producers to beginlarge-scale production three to four months earlier than they actually did,withthe immediate distribu
18、tion of 4 million doses of vaccine per day on the grantingof Emergency Use Authorization,saving 35,000 lives and boosting 2021 GDP by$64 billion.The estimated incremental cost of this scenario is no more than$20billion and potentially much less.The fiscal effects alone(higher taxes and lessentitleme
19、nt spending)would exceed the cost of faster vaccinations by at least$12 billion,meaning that there would actually be no net cost to the governmentof accelerating vaccinations in this manner.Thus,all told,the approach toprocurement specified in this scenario not only saves many lives but also raisesU
20、S GDP and reduces the fiscal deficit.We also examine a slower-than-baseline scenario,based on the pace ofvaccinations that has occurred and is projected for the European Union.Thisleads to 16,000 more deaths and$36 billion in lower GDP,compared with directcost savings of only around$1 billion to$2 b
21、illion and a net increase in thePB 21-11|MAY 2021 3fiscal deficit of at least$16 billion.We believe other plausible scenarios in whichvaccines are accelerated or retarded would have similar cost-benefit results.Although our methodology is more empirically grounded than other studies,it is still subj
22、ect to a large range of uncertainty.Nevertheless,we find widemargins of benefits over costs despite conservative assumptions.Accordingly,itis clear that policymakers should be searching much more intensely for ways toaccelerate vaccinations both now and in future pandemics.Saving lives is surelythe
23、most important reason to do so,but it is comforting to know that there arelarge net economic benefits.Our focus is on the United States,but our empirical estimates also applyto other advanced economies.We leave the analysis of developing economiesfor future work,but we are confident that benefits ex
24、ceed costs there as wellespecially if the less expensive vaccines are used.II.ALTERNATIVE VACCINATION PATHS AND HEALTH OUTCOMESOur baseline vaccination path is that assumed by the Institute for Health Metricsand Evaluation(IHME)as of April 19,2021.1 Baseline:The pace of daily vaccinations ramps up s
25、harply in April and thenreturns to near zero by late May.IHME assumes that 175 million Americanadults get at least one shot and 155 million are“effectively”vaccinated bysummer,after which no more vaccines are sought by the US population.Thisassumption is based on surveys of peoples willingness to ac
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